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martes, 4 de junio de 2013
El cacique Felix Diaz recibe el premio Mauricio López por su lucha inclaudicable
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viernes, 31 de mayo de 2013
El discurso de Lord Byron en defensa de luditas en la Cámara de los Lores-Para traducir
Fuente luddites 200
This speech was given by Lord Byron in the debate in the House of Lords on the 1812 Frame Breaking Act. A week later, in a letter to a friend Byron wrote, “I spoke very violent sentences with a sort of modest impudence, abused everything and everybody, put the Lord Chancellor very much out of humour, and if I may believe what I hear, have not lost any character in the experiment”.
" My Lords,
The subject now submitted to your Lordships, for the first time, though new to the House, is, by no means, new to the country. I believe it had occupied the serious thoughts of all descriptions of persons long before its introduction to the notice of that Legislature whose interference alone could be of real service. As a person in some degree connected with the suffering county, though a stranger, not only to this House in general, but to almost every individual whose attention I presume to solicit, I must claim some portion of your Lordships' indulgence, whilst I offer a few observations on a question in which I confess myself deeply interested.
To enter into any detail of these riots would be superfluous; the House is already aware that every outrage short of actual bloodshed has been perpetrated, and that the proprietors of the frames obnoxious to the rioters, and all persons supposed to be connected with them, have been liable to insult and violence. During the short time I recently passed in Notts, not twelve hours elapsed without some fresh act of violence ; and, on the day I left the county, I was informed that forty frames had been broken the preceding evening as usual, without resistance and without detection.
Such was then the state of that county, and such I have reason to believe it to be at this moment. But whilst these outrages must be admitted to exist to an alarming extent, it cannot be denied that they have arisen from circumstances of the most unparalelled distress. The perseverance of these miserable men in their proceedings, tends to prove that nothing but absolute want could have driven a large and once honest and industrious body of the people into the commission of excesses so hazardous to themselves, their families, and the community. At the time to which I allude, the town and county were burdened with large detachments of the military; the police was in motion, the magistrates assembled, yet all these movements, civil and military had led to—nothing. Not a single instance had occurred of the apprehension of any real delinquent actually taken in the fact, against whom there existed legal evidence sufficient for conviction. But the police, however useless, were by no means idle: several notorious delinquents had been detected; men liable to conviction, on the clearest evidence, of the capital crime of poverty; men, who had been nefariously guilty of lawfully begetting several children, whom, thanks to the times!—they were unable to maintain. Considerable injury has been done to the proprietors of the improved frames. These machines were to them an advantage, inasmuch as they superseded the necessity of employing a number of workmen, who were left in consequence to starve. By the adoption of one species of frame in particular, one man performed the work of many, and the superfluous labourers were thrown out of employment. Yet it is to be observed, that the work thus executed was inferior in quality, not marketable at home, and merely hurried over with a view to exportation. It was called, in the cant of the trade, by the name of Spider-work. The rejected workmen, in the blindness of their ignorance, instead of rejoicing at these improvements in arts so beneficial to mankind, conceived themselves to be sacrificed to improvements in mechanism. In the foolishness of their hearts, they imagined that the maintenance and well doing of the industrious poor, were objects of greater consequence than the enrichment of a few individuals by any improvement in the implements of trade which threw the workmen out of employment, and rendered the labourer unworthy of his hire. And, it must be confessed, that although the adoption of the enlarged machinery, in that state of our commerce which the country once boasted, might have been beneficial to the master without being detrimental to the servant; yet, in the present situation of our manufactures, rotting in warehouses without a prospect of exportation, with the demand for work and workmen equally diminished, frames of this construction tend materially to aggravate the distresses and discontents of the disappointed sufferers. But the real cause of these distresses, and consequent disturbances, lies deeper. When we are told that these men are leagued together, not only for the destruction of their own comfort, but of their very ' means of subsistence, can we forget that it is the bitter policy, the destructive warfare, of the last eighteen years, which has destroyed their comfort, your comfort, all men's comfort;—that policy which, originating with " great statesmen now no more," has survived the dead to become a curse on the living unto the third and fourth generation! These men never destroyed their looms till they were become useless, worse than useless; till they were become actual impediments to their exertions in obtaining their daily bread. Can you then wonder, that in times like these, when bankruptcy, convicted fraud, and imputed felony, are found in a station not far beneath that of your Lordships, the lowest, though once most useful portion of the people, should forget their duty in their distresses, and become only less guilty than one of their representatives ? But while the exalted offender can find means to baffle the law, new capital punishments must be devised, new snares of death must be spread, for the wretched mechanic who is famished into guilt. These men were willing to dig, but the spade was in other hands; they were not ashamed to beg, but there was none to relieve them. Their own means of subsistence were cut off; all other employments pre-occupied; and their excesses, however to be deplored and condemned, can hardly be the subject of surprise.
It has been stated, that the persons in the temporary possession of frames connive at their destruction; if this be proved upon inquiry, it were necessary that such material accessories to the crime should be principals in the punishment. But I did hope that any measure proposed by His Majesty's Government for your Lordships' decision, would have had conciliation for its basis; or, if that were hopeless, that some previous inquiry, some deliberation, would have been deemed requisite; not that we should have been called at once, without examination and without cause, to pass sentences by wholesale, and sign death-warrants blindfold. But admitting that these men had no cause of complaint, that the grievances of them and their employers were alike groundless, that they deserved the worst; what inefficiency, what imbecility, has been evinced in the method chosen to reduce them! Why were the military called out to be made a mockery of—if they were to be called out at all? As far as the difference of seasons would permit, they have merely parodied the summer campaign of Major Sturgeon; and, indeed, the whole proceedings, civil and military, seem formed on the model of those of the Mayor and Corporation of Garrett. Such marchings and countermarchings ! from Nottingham to Bulnell—from Bulnell to Bareford—from Bareford to Mansfield ! and, when at length, the detachments arrived at their destination, in all' the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war,' they came just in time to witness the mischief which had been done, and ascertain the escape of the perpetrators ;—to collect the spolia opima, in the fragments of broken frames, and return to their quarters amidst the derision of old women, and the hootings of children. Now, though in a free country, it were to be wished that our military should never be too formidable, at least, to ourselves, I cannot see the policy of placing them in situations where they can only be made ridiculous. As the sword is the worst argument that can be used, so should it be the last : in this instance it has been the first, but, providentially as yet, only in the scabbard. The present measure will, indeed, pluck it from the sheath ; yet had proper meetings been held in the earlier stages of these riots,— had the grievances of these men and their masters (for they also have had their grievances) been fairly weighed and justly examined, I do think that means might have been devised to restore these workmen to their avocations, and tranquillity to the country. At present the county suffers from the double infliction of an idle military and a starving population. In what state of apathy have we been plunged so long, that now, for the first time, the house has been officially apprised of these disturbances ? All this has been transacting within one hundred and thirty miles of London, and yet we, 'good easy men ! have deemed full sure our greatness was a ripening,' and have sat down to enjoy our foreign triumphs in the midst of domestic calamity. But all the cities you have taken, all the armies which have retreated before your leaders, are but paltry subjects of self-congratution, if your land divides against itself, and your dragoons and executioners must be let loose against your fellow-citizens. You call these men a mob, desperate, dangerous, and ignorant; and seem to think that the only way to quiet the 'Bellua multorum capitum' is to lop off a few of its superfluous heads. But even a mob may be better reduced to reason by a mixture of conciliation and firmness, than by additional irritation and redoubled penalties. Are we aware of our obligations to a mob ! It is the mob that labour in your fields, and serve in your houses— that man your navy, and recruit your army—that have enabled you to defy all the world,—and can also defy you, when neglect and calamity have driven them to despair. You may call the people a mob, but do not forget that a mob too often speaks the sentiments of the people. And here I must remark with what alacrity you are accustomed to fly to the succour of your distressed allies, leaving the distressed of your own country to the care of Providence or—the parish. When the Portuguese suffered under the retreat of the French, every arm was stretched out, every hand was opened,—from the rich man's largess to the widow's mite, all was bestowed to enable them to rebuild their villages and replenish their granaries. And at this moment, when thousands of misguided but most unfortunate fellow-countrymen are struggling with the extremes of hardship and hunger, as your charity began abroad, it should end at home. A much less sum—a tithe of the bounty bestowed on Portugal, even if these men (which I cannot admit without inquiry) could not have been restored to their employments, would have rendered unnecessary the tender mercies of the bayonet and the gibbet But doubtless our funds have too many foreign claims to admit a prospect of domestic relief,— though never did such objects demand it. I have traversed the seat of war in the peninsula; I have been in some of the most oppressed provinces of Turkey; but never, under the most despotic of infidel governments, did' I behold such squalid wretchedness as I have seen since my return, in the very heart of a Christian country. And what are your remedies 1 After months of inaction, and months of action worse than inactivity, at length comes forth the grand specific, the never-failing nostrum of all state-physicians, from the days of Draco to the present time. After feeling the pulse and shaking the head over the patient, prescribing the usual course of warm water and bleeding—the warm water of your mawkish police, and the lancets of your military—these convulsions must terminate in death, the sure consummation of the prescriptions of all political Sangrados. Setting aside the palpable injustice and the certain inefficiency of the bill, are there not capital punishments sufficient on your statutes ? Is there not blood enough upon your penal code ! that more must be poured forth to ascend to heaven and testify against you ? How will you carry this bill into effect ? Can you commit a whole county to their own prisons ? Will you erect a gibbet in every field, and hang up men like scarescrows ? or will you proceed (as you must to bring this measure into effect) by decimation; place the country under martial law; depopulate and lay waste all around you; and restore Sherwood Forest as an acceptable gift to the crown in its former condition of a royal chase, and an asylum for outlaws? Are these the remedies for a starving and desperate populace ? Will the famished wretch who has braved your bayonets be appalled by your gibbets ? When death is a relief, and the only relief it appears that you will afford him, will he be dragooned into tranquillity ? Will that which could not be effected by your grenadiers, be accomplished by your executioners ? If you proceed by the forms of law, where is your evidence ? Those who have refused to impeach their accomplices when transportation only was the punishment, will hardly be tempted to witness against them when death is the penalty. With all due deference to the noble lords opposite, I think a little investigation, some previous inquiry, would induce even them to change their purpose. That most favourite state measure, so marvellously efficacious in many and recent instances,temporising, would not be without its advantage in this. When a proposal is made to emancipate or relieve, you hesitate, you deliberate for years, you temporize and tamper with the minds of men; but a death-bill must be passed off hand, without a thought of the consequences. Sure I am, from what I have heard and from what I have seen, that to pass the bill under all the existing circumstances, without inquiry, without deliberation, would only be to add injustice to irritation, and barbarity to neglect. The framers of such a bill must be content to inherit the honours of that Athenian lawgiver whose edicts were said to be written, not in ink, but in blood. But suppose it past,—suppose one of these men, as I have seen them meagre with famine, sullen with despair, careless of a life which your lordships are perhaps about to value at something less than the price of a stocking-frame ; suppose this man surrounded by those children for whom he is unable to procure bread at the hazard of his existence, about to be torn for ever from a family which he lately supported in peaceful industry, and which it is not his fault than he can no longer so support; suppose this man—and there are ten thousand such from whom you may select your victims,—dragged into court to be tried for this new offence, by this new law,—still there are two things wanting to convict and condemn him, and these are, in my opinion, twelve butchers for a jury, and a Jefferies for a judge!"
No lo encontré en español!
Si alguien quiere traducirlo envíenlo a:
Ppirataargentino#gmail.com
(reemplazar # por @)
Si piensan que los luditas estaban equivocados vean este programa de tv sobre lo que está pasando hoy en la Argentina:
This speech was given by Lord Byron in the debate in the House of Lords on the 1812 Frame Breaking Act. A week later, in a letter to a friend Byron wrote, “I spoke very violent sentences with a sort of modest impudence, abused everything and everybody, put the Lord Chancellor very much out of humour, and if I may believe what I hear, have not lost any character in the experiment”.
" My Lords,
The subject now submitted to your Lordships, for the first time, though new to the House, is, by no means, new to the country. I believe it had occupied the serious thoughts of all descriptions of persons long before its introduction to the notice of that Legislature whose interference alone could be of real service. As a person in some degree connected with the suffering county, though a stranger, not only to this House in general, but to almost every individual whose attention I presume to solicit, I must claim some portion of your Lordships' indulgence, whilst I offer a few observations on a question in which I confess myself deeply interested.
To enter into any detail of these riots would be superfluous; the House is already aware that every outrage short of actual bloodshed has been perpetrated, and that the proprietors of the frames obnoxious to the rioters, and all persons supposed to be connected with them, have been liable to insult and violence. During the short time I recently passed in Notts, not twelve hours elapsed without some fresh act of violence ; and, on the day I left the county, I was informed that forty frames had been broken the preceding evening as usual, without resistance and without detection.
Such was then the state of that county, and such I have reason to believe it to be at this moment. But whilst these outrages must be admitted to exist to an alarming extent, it cannot be denied that they have arisen from circumstances of the most unparalelled distress. The perseverance of these miserable men in their proceedings, tends to prove that nothing but absolute want could have driven a large and once honest and industrious body of the people into the commission of excesses so hazardous to themselves, their families, and the community. At the time to which I allude, the town and county were burdened with large detachments of the military; the police was in motion, the magistrates assembled, yet all these movements, civil and military had led to—nothing. Not a single instance had occurred of the apprehension of any real delinquent actually taken in the fact, against whom there existed legal evidence sufficient for conviction. But the police, however useless, were by no means idle: several notorious delinquents had been detected; men liable to conviction, on the clearest evidence, of the capital crime of poverty; men, who had been nefariously guilty of lawfully begetting several children, whom, thanks to the times!—they were unable to maintain. Considerable injury has been done to the proprietors of the improved frames. These machines were to them an advantage, inasmuch as they superseded the necessity of employing a number of workmen, who were left in consequence to starve. By the adoption of one species of frame in particular, one man performed the work of many, and the superfluous labourers were thrown out of employment. Yet it is to be observed, that the work thus executed was inferior in quality, not marketable at home, and merely hurried over with a view to exportation. It was called, in the cant of the trade, by the name of Spider-work. The rejected workmen, in the blindness of their ignorance, instead of rejoicing at these improvements in arts so beneficial to mankind, conceived themselves to be sacrificed to improvements in mechanism. In the foolishness of their hearts, they imagined that the maintenance and well doing of the industrious poor, were objects of greater consequence than the enrichment of a few individuals by any improvement in the implements of trade which threw the workmen out of employment, and rendered the labourer unworthy of his hire. And, it must be confessed, that although the adoption of the enlarged machinery, in that state of our commerce which the country once boasted, might have been beneficial to the master without being detrimental to the servant; yet, in the present situation of our manufactures, rotting in warehouses without a prospect of exportation, with the demand for work and workmen equally diminished, frames of this construction tend materially to aggravate the distresses and discontents of the disappointed sufferers. But the real cause of these distresses, and consequent disturbances, lies deeper. When we are told that these men are leagued together, not only for the destruction of their own comfort, but of their very ' means of subsistence, can we forget that it is the bitter policy, the destructive warfare, of the last eighteen years, which has destroyed their comfort, your comfort, all men's comfort;—that policy which, originating with " great statesmen now no more," has survived the dead to become a curse on the living unto the third and fourth generation! These men never destroyed their looms till they were become useless, worse than useless; till they were become actual impediments to their exertions in obtaining their daily bread. Can you then wonder, that in times like these, when bankruptcy, convicted fraud, and imputed felony, are found in a station not far beneath that of your Lordships, the lowest, though once most useful portion of the people, should forget their duty in their distresses, and become only less guilty than one of their representatives ? But while the exalted offender can find means to baffle the law, new capital punishments must be devised, new snares of death must be spread, for the wretched mechanic who is famished into guilt. These men were willing to dig, but the spade was in other hands; they were not ashamed to beg, but there was none to relieve them. Their own means of subsistence were cut off; all other employments pre-occupied; and their excesses, however to be deplored and condemned, can hardly be the subject of surprise.
It has been stated, that the persons in the temporary possession of frames connive at their destruction; if this be proved upon inquiry, it were necessary that such material accessories to the crime should be principals in the punishment. But I did hope that any measure proposed by His Majesty's Government for your Lordships' decision, would have had conciliation for its basis; or, if that were hopeless, that some previous inquiry, some deliberation, would have been deemed requisite; not that we should have been called at once, without examination and without cause, to pass sentences by wholesale, and sign death-warrants blindfold. But admitting that these men had no cause of complaint, that the grievances of them and their employers were alike groundless, that they deserved the worst; what inefficiency, what imbecility, has been evinced in the method chosen to reduce them! Why were the military called out to be made a mockery of—if they were to be called out at all? As far as the difference of seasons would permit, they have merely parodied the summer campaign of Major Sturgeon; and, indeed, the whole proceedings, civil and military, seem formed on the model of those of the Mayor and Corporation of Garrett. Such marchings and countermarchings ! from Nottingham to Bulnell—from Bulnell to Bareford—from Bareford to Mansfield ! and, when at length, the detachments arrived at their destination, in all' the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war,' they came just in time to witness the mischief which had been done, and ascertain the escape of the perpetrators ;—to collect the spolia opima, in the fragments of broken frames, and return to their quarters amidst the derision of old women, and the hootings of children. Now, though in a free country, it were to be wished that our military should never be too formidable, at least, to ourselves, I cannot see the policy of placing them in situations where they can only be made ridiculous. As the sword is the worst argument that can be used, so should it be the last : in this instance it has been the first, but, providentially as yet, only in the scabbard. The present measure will, indeed, pluck it from the sheath ; yet had proper meetings been held in the earlier stages of these riots,— had the grievances of these men and their masters (for they also have had their grievances) been fairly weighed and justly examined, I do think that means might have been devised to restore these workmen to their avocations, and tranquillity to the country. At present the county suffers from the double infliction of an idle military and a starving population. In what state of apathy have we been plunged so long, that now, for the first time, the house has been officially apprised of these disturbances ? All this has been transacting within one hundred and thirty miles of London, and yet we, 'good easy men ! have deemed full sure our greatness was a ripening,' and have sat down to enjoy our foreign triumphs in the midst of domestic calamity. But all the cities you have taken, all the armies which have retreated before your leaders, are but paltry subjects of self-congratution, if your land divides against itself, and your dragoons and executioners must be let loose against your fellow-citizens. You call these men a mob, desperate, dangerous, and ignorant; and seem to think that the only way to quiet the 'Bellua multorum capitum' is to lop off a few of its superfluous heads. But even a mob may be better reduced to reason by a mixture of conciliation and firmness, than by additional irritation and redoubled penalties. Are we aware of our obligations to a mob ! It is the mob that labour in your fields, and serve in your houses— that man your navy, and recruit your army—that have enabled you to defy all the world,—and can also defy you, when neglect and calamity have driven them to despair. You may call the people a mob, but do not forget that a mob too often speaks the sentiments of the people. And here I must remark with what alacrity you are accustomed to fly to the succour of your distressed allies, leaving the distressed of your own country to the care of Providence or—the parish. When the Portuguese suffered under the retreat of the French, every arm was stretched out, every hand was opened,—from the rich man's largess to the widow's mite, all was bestowed to enable them to rebuild their villages and replenish their granaries. And at this moment, when thousands of misguided but most unfortunate fellow-countrymen are struggling with the extremes of hardship and hunger, as your charity began abroad, it should end at home. A much less sum—a tithe of the bounty bestowed on Portugal, even if these men (which I cannot admit without inquiry) could not have been restored to their employments, would have rendered unnecessary the tender mercies of the bayonet and the gibbet But doubtless our funds have too many foreign claims to admit a prospect of domestic relief,— though never did such objects demand it. I have traversed the seat of war in the peninsula; I have been in some of the most oppressed provinces of Turkey; but never, under the most despotic of infidel governments, did' I behold such squalid wretchedness as I have seen since my return, in the very heart of a Christian country. And what are your remedies 1 After months of inaction, and months of action worse than inactivity, at length comes forth the grand specific, the never-failing nostrum of all state-physicians, from the days of Draco to the present time. After feeling the pulse and shaking the head over the patient, prescribing the usual course of warm water and bleeding—the warm water of your mawkish police, and the lancets of your military—these convulsions must terminate in death, the sure consummation of the prescriptions of all political Sangrados. Setting aside the palpable injustice and the certain inefficiency of the bill, are there not capital punishments sufficient on your statutes ? Is there not blood enough upon your penal code ! that more must be poured forth to ascend to heaven and testify against you ? How will you carry this bill into effect ? Can you commit a whole county to their own prisons ? Will you erect a gibbet in every field, and hang up men like scarescrows ? or will you proceed (as you must to bring this measure into effect) by decimation; place the country under martial law; depopulate and lay waste all around you; and restore Sherwood Forest as an acceptable gift to the crown in its former condition of a royal chase, and an asylum for outlaws? Are these the remedies for a starving and desperate populace ? Will the famished wretch who has braved your bayonets be appalled by your gibbets ? When death is a relief, and the only relief it appears that you will afford him, will he be dragooned into tranquillity ? Will that which could not be effected by your grenadiers, be accomplished by your executioners ? If you proceed by the forms of law, where is your evidence ? Those who have refused to impeach their accomplices when transportation only was the punishment, will hardly be tempted to witness against them when death is the penalty. With all due deference to the noble lords opposite, I think a little investigation, some previous inquiry, would induce even them to change their purpose. That most favourite state measure, so marvellously efficacious in many and recent instances,temporising, would not be without its advantage in this. When a proposal is made to emancipate or relieve, you hesitate, you deliberate for years, you temporize and tamper with the minds of men; but a death-bill must be passed off hand, without a thought of the consequences. Sure I am, from what I have heard and from what I have seen, that to pass the bill under all the existing circumstances, without inquiry, without deliberation, would only be to add injustice to irritation, and barbarity to neglect. The framers of such a bill must be content to inherit the honours of that Athenian lawgiver whose edicts were said to be written, not in ink, but in blood. But suppose it past,—suppose one of these men, as I have seen them meagre with famine, sullen with despair, careless of a life which your lordships are perhaps about to value at something less than the price of a stocking-frame ; suppose this man surrounded by those children for whom he is unable to procure bread at the hazard of his existence, about to be torn for ever from a family which he lately supported in peaceful industry, and which it is not his fault than he can no longer so support; suppose this man—and there are ten thousand such from whom you may select your victims,—dragged into court to be tried for this new offence, by this new law,—still there are two things wanting to convict and condemn him, and these are, in my opinion, twelve butchers for a jury, and a Jefferies for a judge!"
No lo encontré en español!
Si alguien quiere traducirlo envíenlo a:
Ppirataargentino#gmail.com
(reemplazar # por @)
Si piensan que los luditas estaban equivocados vean este programa de tv sobre lo que está pasando hoy en la Argentina:
sábado, 5 de noviembre de 2011
El discurso de Cristina Kirchner en el G20
Algunas partes del discurso:
"Nosotros hemos presentado en el Plan de Agricultura Nacional, en el Plan Agroalimentario Nacional 20-20 como lema: la industrialización de la ruralidad. Por eso, en esta mesa me acompañan no solamente el ministro de Agricultura, Ganadería y Pesca, Julián Domínguez, sino también la ministra de Industria, Débora Giorgi."
"Nosotros creemos que una de las claves unida a la tecnología, a la mayor productividad, es lograr el agregado de valor a cada uno de esos productos, a los distintos eslabones de la cadena productiva, en el lugar de producción. Esto tiene que ver no solamente con una cuestión de tener nuestras familias situadas en sus lugares de origen, sino que también va a ser un problema de competitividad, porque una de las cuestiones de la competitividad va a estar dada por la logística también."
Ahora las familias que vivan cerca de las plantaciones transgénicas estarán todas enfermas, como ahora pasa... El Estado tendrá que gastar muchísimo con las malformaciones y cánceres de quienes se queden cerca de esas plantaciones.
Pero de hecho la Argentina, en esta seguridad alimentaria, que es una gran productora de alimentos con apenas 40 millones de habitantes y con posibilidades de producir alimentos para 400 ó 500 millones manteniendo esta seguridad alimentaria, porque tenemos excedentes suficientes, cosa que no les sucede a otros países que tienen productividad, que alimentan pero por su gran número de población no alcanzan a tener grandes excedentes, coloca a la Argentina en un lugar privilegiado como productora agroalimentario y como contribuir a la seguridad alimentaria. De hecho hemos pasado de 67 millones de toneladas de granos a 102 millones de toneladas de granos en esta última cosecha. Y la brecha creo que conservadora del señor ministro de Agricultura, yo creo que vamos a ser más, es para el 20-20 año 2020 producir 160 millones de granos.
¿Cómo se puede mantener la seguridad alimentaria con monocultivo de soja?
¿Qué costo tendrá pasar de 102 millones de toneladas de granos a 160 millones?
¿Cuánto se expandirá la frontera agrícola con esto?
Hablábamos también de producir mejor y quería tocar el tema de la agricultura familiar, que fue un tema que también se abordó aquí y quiero decirles que prácticamente el 70 por ciento de lo alimentario en la República Argentina está sostenida por la agricultura familiar. Tenemos un gran desarrollo de agricultura familiar, en horticultura, en fin en todo lo que constituye la mesa de la familia.
¿Quedará algo de agricultura familiar?, ¿Cuánto es lo que queda de ella?
Casi todo es soja...
Yo creo que el problema no reside en el problema de los granos, creo que el problema reside en el sistema financiero. Creo que enfocar únicamente el problema de regulación de los mercados como una cuestión de seguridad alimentaria únicamente sobre los commodities, me parece una visión absolutamente parcializada, lo digo con honestidad. Porque de manera tal también podríamos decir entonces que deberíamos regular el mercado de las patentes medicinales. Por ejemplo, es muy importante comer porque si no uno se muere. Ahora también, si uno no cuenta con tecnología y con remedios, también se muere. O sea que si hablamos de seguridad alimentaria, si hablamos de seguridad de vida porque en definitiva estamos hablando de seguridad de vida, deberíamos también por ejemplo, hablar de regular el mercado de royalties y patentes medicinales, porque creo que en África no solamente se mueren de hambre sino que también se mueren por no contar con medicamentos, con atención sanitaria, sin embargo, hasta ahora no he escuchado ninguna palabra acerca de regulación de los mercados, por ejemplo, de tecnología sanitaria que son claves, y además, es tan humillante morirse de hambre como morirse por no tener una aspirina o no tener una vacuna.
¿Qué pasará con las patentes?, ¿El gobierno de Cristina Kirchner aprobará el ACTA?, ¿Y el acuerdo sobre las semillas?
Si quieren leer todo el discurso de Cristina Kirchner en Cannes durante la reunión del G 20
El discurso de Cristina Kirchner en el G 20
Presione en play para escuchar el discurso de Cristina Kirchner
Si quieren descargar el archivo mp3.
miércoles, 13 de octubre de 2010
La visión del mundo según Cristina Kirchner
Extracto del discurso que dió Cristina Kirchner en Berlin.
La idea es que el conflicto es de racionalidad vs. irracionalidad, nosotros somos los racionales los árabes los irracionales....Es el discurso del Norte, demasiado simplificada la cosa...
jueves, 15 de enero de 2009
Aparece lo que dijo la presidente sobre los casos enfermedades por fumigación?
Si vamos a las fuentes en la pagina de la Casa Rosada aparece el texto completo, veamos lo que dice sobre las enfermedades ocasionadas por las fumigaciones:
"También, y no puedo no mencionarlo, hemos tomado conocimiento en estos días porque ha sido profusamente publicado por muchos medios, inclusive hay una medida de la Justicia de Córdoba respecto de la fumigación en la que utilizan determinados agroquímicos en cuanto a las prohibiciones de no hacerlo cerca de poblados por lo que esto significa en impacto a la salud de la población. Si bien esto es competencia exclusiva de municipios y provincias, le he pedido a la señora ministra de Salud de la Nación que realice una investigación porque me parece que son hechos muy importantes, hacen a la salud de todos los argentinos y la ahí uno no puede entrar en cuestión de competencias y jurisdicciones, tiene que poner a disposición de todos los elementos porque son denuncias muy graves y además porque han tomado intervención hasta las propias justicias provinciales por casos de contaminación, de agentes cancerígenos, etcétera. Es una cosa que vamos a seguir de cerca."
Todo el discurso desde la página de la Casa Rosada.
Recorramos lo que dicen los diarios, salvo Página 12 del cual copiamos el texto.
Algo que me llamó la atención, si ven el fragmento del discurso que dejaron en el diario la Nación:
Verán que la parte en que la presidente habla sobre las enfermedades en el campo no aparece....
No hay ninguna mención al tema de las enfermedades en el campo, ni a lo de Córdoba y las fumigaciones.....
En otra parte del diario la Nación, en donde se analiza el discurso...La parte de las enfermedades producto de las fumigaciones....Tampoco aparece!!!
O sea, para el diario La Nación la presidente no dijo nada sobre las enfermedades producto de las fumigaciones!!!!
(más arriba encontrarán el enlace al discurso completo desde la página de la Casa Rosada)
Vayamos al diario Clarín:
Sigamos:
Para Clarín la presidente no dijo nada sobre enfermedades producto de la fumigación en el campo!!!!
En Crítica de la Argentina:
En Página 12 salió el tema de las enfermedades producto de las fumigaciones en la tapa del diario y con un título importante.
Ahora para:
- La Nación.
- Clarín.
- Crítica de Argentina.
Este párrafo no era importante, ni siquiera lo mencionaron!!!!
O sea, para un lector/a de Clarín, La Nación o Crítica de Argentina Cristina Kirchner ni mencionó lo que está pasando en las provincias que son fumigadas con la salud de la gente!!!
O sea, para un lector/a de Clarín, La Nación o Crítica de Argentina Cristina Kirchner ni mencionó lo que está pasando en las provincias que son fumigadas con la salud de la gente!!!
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